As it stands, the Ghanaian government has not made clear how it intends to distribute the film fund or who the beneficiaries might be. In the absence of any public notice, one can only make speculations and recommendations.
By Adedamola Jones Adedayo
Towards the end of 2025, the Ghanaian government, represented by Finance Minister Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, presented the 2026 Budget Statement, in which GH¢40 million in seed funding was set aside for the creative economy, with GH¢20 million directed at the film industry. Following this, on Friday, 27th February 2026, President John Mahama addressed the country’s Parliament during a State of the Nation Address (SONA), where he confirmed the significant injection into the creative arts fund as one of the many ways the government intends to propel the industry.
Seed funding in any sector is typically intended to catalyse growth. When such capital comes from the government, it often signals administrative recognition and policy backing for an industry’s potential. Yet, public seed funding with government involvement can also raise concerns about creative direction, effective distribution, and accountability.
Ghana’s creative economy comprises traditional arts and crafts as well as digital media, but it is commonly viewed through five dominant lenses: fashion, film, music, theatre, and visual arts. Within this landscape, the film industry is estimated to generate approximately $1.1 billion annually. While this places it behind the fashion sector, which reportedly generated about $2.42 billion in 2025, and music, which earns even greater revenues, film remains one of the country’s most visible cultural exports.
At first glance, allocating 50 per cent of the creative economy fund to film may appear preferential. However, a closer look suggests that the government may be recognising a strategic opportunity, one that could deliver both cultural influence and economic returns. The experiences of other African film industries, particularly those that have benefited from structured film funds, provide a clue as to how such investment can transform a national cinema.
For instance, since 1980, the Moroccan government has offered funding and support to film initiatives across the country through the Centre Cinématographique Marocain (CCM). Since August 2012, following stipulations on accessibility, the CCM has annually allocated 60 million Moroccan dirhams (MAD) to production, MAD 7 million to digitising cinemas, and MAD 27.5 million for film festivals and events. In January 2015, an additional MAD 15 million was directed towards the production of documentary films on Sahrawi Hassani culture.
This brings the government’s total national film funding to an estimated MAD 110 million per year. As a result, 90 per cent of cinemas have been digitised, 20 feature films are produced annually, and 52 film festivals and other events receive support each year. A 2023 film report underscores the effectiveness of this funding, with an unprecedented 34 feature film productions in Moroccan cinema history as of 2023, alongside official selections across 86 international festivals—the highest number for Moroccan films since 2017.
In August 2025, the CCM allocated grants totalling MAD 25 million to 40 film festivals, with the 22nd Marrakech International Film Festival (MAD 12 million), the 25th National Film Festival in Tangier (MAD 7.5 million), the 18th International Women’s Film Festival of Salé (MAD 1 million), and the 30th Rabat International Author Film Festival (MAD 800,000) as the biggest beneficiaries. Around October 2025, the Berlin International Film Festival designated Morocco as “Country in Focus” ahead of the festival’s 2026 European Film Market (EFM), which was held in February 2026. This milestone was not only an extension of the country’s decades of Berlinale inclusion but also a testament to its relationship with the international film market, rooted in domestic structure and state support.
In a similar vein, Senegal’s standout national film fund, the Fonds de Promotion de l’Industrie Cinématographique et Audiovisuelle (FOPICA), established in 2014 under the Ministry of Culture and Communication, contributes to local and international film development in the country through grant provisions and capacity building. This has contributed to initiatives such as the 2021 Senegal-Belgium film co-production treaty under the Wallonia-Brussels Federation. FOPICA’s latest effort is the 2025 €1.845 million allocation for 49 film and audiovisual projects, and it has also encouraged local filmmakers to seek additional international film funds such as the DEENTAL-ACP programme, supported by the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States, and Aide aux Cinémas du Monde.
The Ghanaian film industry already holds a prominent position within Africa’s cinematic landscape. Data released by FilmOne Entertainment in January 2026 showed that the Anglophone West African box office generated ₦15.6 billion in 2025. Of that total, Nigeria accounted for 49.4 per cent of the market, Hollywood productions captured 48.8 per cent, while Ghana and Liberia collectively held 7.2 per cent. This suggests that while cinema in Ghana may not compete on favourable terms with Nigeria’s globally recognised Nollywood, it remains a regional force—an indication of a resilient industry sustained by cultural flavour, a loyal domestic audience, and continual evolution despite economic limitations.
In fact, government interest in strengthening the film sector predates the current budget allocation. In May 2025, the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Creative Arts, through the Medium-term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) for 2025–2028, outlined a two-year strategy to transform Ghana into a filming destination. The strategy emphasised the development of production infrastructure capable of attracting foreign productions, while also elevating local filmmaking to meet international standards.
These developments raise two crucial questions about the newly announced funding. First, how will the GH¢20 million film allocation be distributed? Second, which institution will be responsible for managing and deploying the funds effectively? To answer these questions, it is necessary to briefly understand the background of the Ghanaian film industry, how it has fared in recent times, and previous efforts—or the lack thereof—to support the sector through structured financing.
Background to the Ghanaian Film Industry
The history of the Ghanaian film industry dates back to the 20th century, when the British government set up film structures across colonial territories to “civilise” Africans in accordance with Western values. Certain accounts point to the Cinematographic Palace, opened by the British company John Holt Bartholomew Ltd in 1913, as the first cinema in the Gold Coast. In 1948, the Gold Coast Film Unit was founded. It created a demand for African filmmakers and actors, leading the colonial authorities to establish a school of instruction in Accra.
This early “film school” became a propagandist tool in the hands of the colonial government: it helped them control local filmmaking efforts, subjecting natives to rudimentary filmmaking strategies, and it justified British governance and “civilisation”. In spite of its negative, stereotypical representation of Africans as superstitious and culturally backward, the Gold Coast Film Unit paved the way for the Ghanaian film industry.
After Ghana gained independence in 1957, Kwame Nkrumah, the country’s president at the time, committed to restructuring the industry. Under Nkrumah’s administration (1957–1966), the Ghanaian film industry became one of the most prominent in Africa. Efforts to nationalise the Gold Coast Film Unit after independence in 1957 resulted in the restructuring of state film operations under the new government, eventually leading to the creation of the Ghana Film Industry Corporation (GFIC) in 1964.
During this period, the state played a central role in film production, distribution, and exhibition, aligning cinema with national development objectives. In 1960, the government formally instituted film regulation through the Censorship of Films Act, establishing a statutory framework to oversee film exhibition and classification. Around this time, up until 1966, film production expanded under state sponsorship, but the industry did not operate with full autonomy. The Ghanaian authorities endorsed state-led cinema for nation-building and the propagation of Pan-African ideology.
The Ghanaian film industry faced a difficult period following the removal of Nkrumah in 1967. Several films made during his time were proscribed. A new system was introduced to allow for collaborations with parties outside Ghana, but this also led to reduced government funding. Feature film production dropped significantly. Television became a viable alternative for Ghanaian films, while cinema houses primarily screened international films. According to one source, an estimated 20 Ghanaian films were made between 1966 and the 1980s. With minimal and declining support from the state, the film industry nosedived.
As GFIC continually exercised restraint in financing and greenlighting projects, local filmmakers began turning to more independent initiatives. One of the key figures instrumental to this movement was William Akuffo, an indie filmmaker who made projects using his own money without relying on government funds. He shot his films on minimal budgets using a video camera and screened them in studios he had created himself, establishing a personalised production–exhibition system that gave him absolute control over ticket revenues without having to share them with established studios.
The development of the video film industry in Africa was not limited to Ghana, with neighbouring industries such as Nigeria’s experiencing a boom from the 1980s to the early 2000s. In Ghana, the release of films like Akuffo’s Zinabu inspired other independent filmmakers to create works that resonated with the lived experiences of Ghanaians.
The speed with which video films were made, coupled with their rapidly growing market, made this a sustainable model for filmmakers at the time, who seemed to have found a way to bypass severe institutional bottlenecks. New independent cinemas and film libraries emerged, while film posters and banners filled the streets. The industry was acquiring a firm contemporary identity—“Ghallywood”—devoid of the scaffolding of colonialism or conservatism, shaped instead by societal trends and public taste.
At this point, the Ghanaian film industry was far removed from what existed during Nkrumah’s reign. It had become a democratised version, no longer limited to the cinema-going elite, and more attuned to popular realities. Audiences gravitated towards low-quality films because of their moral lessons, which resonated with their way of life, often preferring them even to more sophisticated cinema. The popularity of the video film industry also created jobs for artists—for instance, poster designers—and business opportunities for entrepreneurs.
The video film boom had both positive and negative implications. On the positive side, it popularised the Ghanaian film industry, leading to the rise of screen stars and facilitating collaborations with Nollywood, particularly in the 2000s. It also encouraged variety in film production tailored to different audiences, both in indigenous and English languages, making films accessible regardless of social class or educational background.
On the other hand, the nature of these films, shaped by their demand-and-supply model, had a worrying impact on the industry. Because films were made on tape, they were easy to reproduce and distribute illegally, making piracy a thriving market. This affected filmmakers’ earnings, as it was difficult to predict whether a film would break even or incur losses. Moreover, despite a strong domestic reception, the avalanche of low-quality Ghanaian films contributed to the poor perception of Ghanaian cinema at international film events. As digital streaming emerged, the video film model waned, and the country transitioned into a new era of filmmaking.
Today, the Ghanaian film industry is often seen as operating within two interconnected spheres. The first is Kumawood, the local industry version headquartered in Kumasi, often characterised by low-budget films featuring grassroots talent and indigenous languages, prioritising cultural authenticity over technical sophistication.
The second is Ghallywood, which represents the mainstream and internationally recognised arm of Ghanaian cinema, known for higher production standards and broader national and global appeal. This dual categorisation is somewhat similar to the Nigerian cinema ecosystem, where Nollywood exists alongside Asabawood, a regional filmmaking culture that operates with fewer resources and lower budgets.
Regulation of the Ghanaian film sector rests predominantly with the Ghanaian National Film Authority (NFA), a government agency established under the Development and Classification of Film Act, 2016 (Act 935). The NFA is primarily responsible for the development and sustainability of the film industry in Ghana, while the 2016 Act provides the legal framework through which the NFA operates across matters of film production, exhibition, marketing, and distribution. The NFA is currently headed by Kafui Danku-Pitcher, who was appointed in February 2025, replacing the authority’s former CEO, Juliet Yaa Asantewaa, founder of Ghana’s foremost film festival, the Black Star International Film Festival (BSIFF).
Policy, Funding, and the Changing Landscape of Ghanaian Cinema
In April 2021, then President of Ghana, Nana Akufo-Addo, launched the NFA Presidential Film Pitch Series, an activation programme under the Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture aimed at helping Ghanaian filmmakers with projects to connect and secure opportunities with financiers, marketers, and distributors. The scheme is expected to generate thousands of jobs, facilitate the creation of hundreds of films each year, and encourage filmmakers to use tourist sites in the country for their productions, thereby attracting international interest.
For the first edition of the pitch series, the NFA received over one hundred projects across documentaries, short films, games, and series, with only a quarter making the final shortlist. At the time, Ghanaian journalist Enimil Ashon noted the government’s ability to attract investors willing to commit $25 million to film production, alongside an additional €45 million to support the country’s national film school, then known as the National Film and Television Institute (now part of the University of Media, Arts and Communication). Ashon’s opinion piece, however, highlighted that, as with creative industries elsewhere, funding alone does not solve all the problems facing the Ghanaian film industry.
In February 2024, the Ghanaian government announced a 20 per cent tax rebate for film production, marking the country’s first-ever film tax incentive. The incentive also covers VAT reliefs and reduces import duties on production equipment. More than just another government policy, it is a pragmatic step towards making Ghana a preferred location and film investment hub for international partners. For local filmmakers, it could ease financial constraints, allowing them to invest more effectively in their projects.
About four months later, within the same year, Ghana’s NFA, in collaboration with the French Embassy in Ghana, Creation Africa Ghana (a co-production initiative), and the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), awarded production grants totalling €90,000/US$96,000 to support three film projects. Leading the list of beneficiaries were production companies Driving Park Limited (Ghana), Adomibridge (Ghana), Guguru Studios (Nigeria), and Togo Films (Togo), which received a joint €80,000 fund for A Dream To Die For, a film based on illegal mining. In addition, Midnight Run Productions (Ghana) received €5,000 for Tantra, a horror film set in Accra’s nightlife, which later screened at the All Africans Indie Film Festival 2025, while Adjoa Films (Ghana) received €5,000 for Regulated Minds, a film exploring male vulnerability and mental health.
All of the foregoing accentuate the fact that the Ghanaian film industry has witnessed government support through its agencies in recent times, at least between 2021 and 2025, under both the immediate past and current administrations. This suggests that, regardless of the state of the economy and what may appear to be an uneven distribution of resources (with only a few production companies and individuals benefiting from the 2021 pitch series and the €90,000 grant), state-backed efforts such as grants and tax incentive policies will help to alleviate production challenges for both local and international projects.
While it is difficult to measure the impact of these initiatives with pinpoint precision, available statistics suggest growth in the Ghanaian film industry between 2021 and 2023. In 2022, the industry produced 120 feature films, a 30 per cent increase from 2021, with box office revenue from Ghanaian films rising by 15 per cent year-on-year, totalling GH¢450 million (approximately US$76 million), according to independent market research platform Zipdo. As of 2023, with over 200 digital creatives in circulation, digital arts in Ghana (including film) grew at a 22% CAGR.
As of 2023, with over 200 digital creatives in circulation, digital arts in Ghana (including film) grew at a 22 per cent CAGR.
Ghana’s leading English-language radio station, Joy FM, through its web-based news platform, tracked 42 Ghanaian films released in 2024, of which at least 38 were classified by the NFA. Taking a first look at these figures, it appears low compared to Nigeria, with 1,088 films and South Africa, which already had 20 domestically produced films in the first half of 2024 alone.
However, population size complicates this comparison. Ghana is a country with roughly 35 million people, which is about one-seventh of Nigeria’s 240 million-plus population and about half of South Africa’s 63.1 million people. This means Nigeria will almost inevitably produce far more films, regardless of funding levels or policy interventions, making Ghana’s figure of 42 films less disproportionately small than it may initially appear.
South Africa offers a somewhat more comparable benchmark. With roughly twice the population of Ghana, the 20 domestically produced South African films in the first half of 2024 would translate to around 40 in a full year if production continued at the same pace. Ghana’s 38 classified films, therefore, come relatively close to that figure, despite operating with a significantly smaller pool of human and industrial resources.
Even so, multiple reports from 2024 and 2025 continue to point to a persistently weak box office culture in Ghana, suggesting that the challenge may lie less in the number of films produced and more in the strength of the domestic exhibition ecosystem and audience market.
Other Pain Points, the Incapacity of Funding and Recommendations
In September 2025, Advancing Creative Industries for Development in Ghana released five research-backed policy briefs on the Ghanaian creative sector, covering music, visual arts and crafts, fashion, theatre, and film. The policy brief on film focused on four key regions—the Greater Accra Region, the Ashanti Region, the Upper East Region, and the Northern Region—and engaged at least 50 participants through interviews and focus groups.
The study reveals a domestic film ecosystem that appears to be developing alongside a growing tolerance for the arts, but which continues to face persistent challenges related to digital capacity and distribution. One key takeaway is that funding is not the only problem. Despite the presence of digital distribution platforms—both international streamers such as Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, and YouTube, and local ones like Kumawood App and Sparrow Station—many filmmakers lack the skills to engage productively with these platforms.
YouTube is easy to access, but filmmakers find it difficult to monetise their channels due to the challenge of securing subscribers and page views. Kumawood filmmakers are often unable to get their films on Netflix due to low production quality and a lack of understanding of how the platform operates. Digital piracy also remains a significant issue that the industry has struggled to curb.
As it stands, the Ghanaian government has not made clear how it intends to distribute the film fund or who the beneficiaries might be. In the absence of any public notice, one can only make speculations and recommendations. A reasonable expectation is that the fund be entrusted to the NFA, the foremost authority on cinema in the country, which would then be responsible for managing and distributing it.
While the film fund may not be sufficient to cater to the entire industry, it is recommended that the NFA prioritise the training of film professionals ahead of investment in developmental projects. Affordable or subsidised grassroots training programmes should be established and institutionalised to groom screenwriters. Producers and other behind-the-scenes personnel should equally be equipped with the digital skills required to compete effectively with filmmakers from other regions. Foundational measures such as these, implemented through transparent systems, will not only improve the quality of films but also help create productions that can travel globally and enhance the prestige of Ghanaian cinema.
Adedamola Adedayo is a film journalist and critic with a special interest in African cinema. Through writing and audiovisual mediums, he creates conversations around cinema in Africa and the Diaspora. You can find him on Instagram @jonesthegoodboy and X on AdedamolaAdeda4.
Cover photo credit: Cristina Aldehuela/AFP via Getty Images.